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Can the comprehensive
spending review deliver for 2010?
The Treasury
has currently embarked on a frenetic spending round that will determine
the Government's priorities for the next four years. This spending
review offers the Government an opportunity to fulfill its promise
to halve child poverty by 2010. If it does not deliver, it seems
inconceivable that the target will be met. Paul Dornan looks
at its options.
Introduction
Context
Measuring
child poverty
What
should the spending review deliver?
The
role of paid work
Financial
support for children
Support
for those who cannot work
Effective
delivery
References
Introduction
The comprehensive spending review, likely to be published in the
middle of next year, will announce priorities for the years 2008/09,
2009/10 and 2010/11. It will shape departmental budgets to the target
year for the public service agreement (PSA) commitment to halve
the level of child poverty from the position in 1998/99.
The signs are
that this is a tight spending round, with both HM Customs and Revenue
and the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) implementing significant
staff cuts, and with the March Budget already having announced a
5 per cent reduction in both departments' budgets.
The seven years
since Tony Blair's March 1999 commitment to eradicate child poverty
have seen additional help to families and consequent reduced levels
of child poverty. The figure below shows the progress made, as well
as the challenge ahead. In 1998/99 child poverty ('after housing
costs') stood at 4.1 million children in Great Britain (Northern
Ireland is excluded from the government target, although it is covered
by the policy). In 2004/05 this had been reduced to 3.4 million,
or 27 per cent. Though welcome, it was insufficient to meet the
first target to reduce child poverty (by a quarter by 2004/05).
Although progress has been made, child poverty remains at a scandalously
high level - higher in the UK now than in the past and higher than
in most other European countries.

Numbers of children experiencing income poverty and the 2010/11
target
Source: Department for Work and Pensions, Households Below Average
Income: an analysis of the income distribution 1994/95 - 2004/05,
Corporate Document Services, 2006
Context
In the past months, child poverty has been riding high in the political
debate. Secretary of State for Work and Pensions John Hutton has
made this the number one priority for his department, and has talked
up the link between welfare reform and wider employment policies
and the extent to which they should be better supporting this objective.
A DWP strategy on child poverty is promised for the autumn and Hutton
has announced that future policy will be 'poverty proofed'. We have
also seen a commitment to the 'aspiration' of ending child poverty
from the Conservative opposition, although we have had, as yet,
scant detail as to how this aspiration would be made a reality under
a David Cameron premiership. The Liberal Democrats, despite discussing
the problems of social injustice and of poverty, have so far refused
to sign up to the pledge to eradicate child poverty. The political
mood-music of the two key political parties, both committed to eradicating
child poverty, is vital. From the Government we need reinvigorated
attention and resources, and from the opposition parties realistic
policy proposals for what they would do differently and better.
Not only politicians
have been vying for the air time on this issue. The Fabian Society
published the final report of its Life Chances Commission in March
and made a series of practical policy recommendations to make greater
use of life chances as a conceptual tool to drive policy to reduce
poverty. This was followed in June by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation's
What Will it Take to End Child Poverty? Firing on all cylinders.
This report, together with the myriad of working papers and associated
publications produced around it, presents very significant analysis
on the problem - to families and to society - and discusses and
models ways of reaching the 2010 target to halve child poverty and
the 2020 target to abolish it. There is, therefore, no shortage
of evidence, analysis and proposals for what needs to be done. What
is needed is greater commitment.
The
spending review is key to the halving target. As part of the process,
the Treasury is conducting a 'Children and Young People' review,
focused on improving service support to families with disabled children,
young people, and families and children 'at risk of becoming locked
into a cycle of low achievement, high harm and high cost'.[Footnote
1] Although concentrating on the groups facing a high
chance of being failed by education and other services, by focusing
on services, it does not really engage with incomes. Other activity
is, therefore, needed if the targets on reducing child poverty are
to be met.
Measuring
child poverty
A second child poverty target is expected either before, or as part
of, the spending review. This measure will be defined in terms of
both income level and material deprivation, and will affect the
target itself and the policy required to meet it.
For the first
PSA target to reduce child poverty by a quarter between 1998/99
and 2004/05, child poverty was defined as relative low income (living
in a household with income below 60 per cent of the median), defined
on both before and after housing costs. In 2004/05 child poverty
stood at 3.4 million (after housing costs) and 2.4 million (before
housing costs).
In December
2003, the DWP published Measuring Child Poverty, which proposed
three new measures for the period after the first PSA had expired,
each relying on before housing cost incomes data only (and using
a different method to adjust incomes for different families' needs).
- Relative
low income (below 60 per cent of median). This is the basis
of the current target to halve child poverty by 2010/11. In 2004/05
2.7 million children were income poor on this measure.
- Relative
low income and material deprivation combined (income below
70 per cent of median, before housing costs only). This is a new
measure and will be used for a second PSA. We do not yet know
how this measure will be constructed or, therefore, how many children
will be 'counted' as poor.
- Absolute
low income (below 60 per cent of the 1998/99 median uprated
for price inflation, before housing costs). This is proposed for
a 'tracker' measure rather than providing a PSA. In 2004/05, 1.6
million children were poor on this measure.
The shift away
from housing costs potentially 'loses' 700,000 children defined
as poor on the after housing cost measure, but not on the before
housing cost measure. These children are those whose families face
high housing costs - whose housing costs make them poor - and are
more likely to be concentrated in London and the south east of England.
CPAG is calling for there to be numerical continuity between the
after housing cost measure and the new set of measures. Without
this, the Government will face charges of fiddling the figures and
damaged credibility.
What
should the spending review deliver?
In 2005, CPAG published two documents: our manifesto, Ten Steps
to a Society Free of Child Poverty (202KB PDF document) and At Greatest Risk.
Our manifesto sets out practical policy change needed to bring about
reductions in child poverty, and, although there have been some
improvements in policy and the political climate that surrounds
it, the majority of the steps remain untaken. At Greatest Risk
profiles the experience of groups of children who face a particularly
high risk of poverty, with a poorer quality of life in childhood
and poorer outcomes in adult life: children in large families, children
with disabilities or a disabled parent, black and minority ethnic
children, traveller and gypsy children, those who have been in care
and those who have sought refuge in the UK. The challenge for the
spending review is to mainstream concerns about these children.
CPAG’s ten steps to a society free of child poverty are:
- All political parties to commit to eradicate child poverty.
- Poverty proof policies – make each consistent with eradicating child poverty.
- Uprate the combined value of child tax credit and child benefit at least in line with the fastest growing of prices or earnings. The element of this that is child benefit ought to be maximised.
- Increase the adult payments within income support in line with those for children.
- Reform the administration of tax credits and benefits – ensure they get the right amount to the right people at the right time.
- Ensure all children have full access to the requirements – meals, uniforms and activities – of their education.
- Provide benefit entitlements to all UK residents equally, irrespective of immigration status.
- Work towards better jobs, not just more jobs.
- Introduce free at the point of delivery, good quality universal childcare.
- Reduce the disproportionate burden of taxation on poorer families.
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To reduce child
poverty, the Government has had recourse to two key mechanisms -
increasing incomes through financial support and increasing gains
from work, primarily by increasing the employment rate. Alongside
this - to reduce future poverty - policy has sought to improve educational
outcomes (through the education system, Sure Start and good quality
childcare). More effort is clearly needed here, given the slow progress
on narrowing the gap in educational attainment and this will be
vital to reach the 2020 target and to sustain a much lower level
of child poverty in the long term. But it is the more urgent former
set of issues - on which education can build - to which this section
devotes its attention.
The
role of paid work
On the back of relatively benign
economic circumstances, for which the Government itself takes some
credit, unemployment has fallen and the employment rate risen. We
now have nearly 75 per cent of working-age adults in employment,[Footnote
2] the fourth highest in the European Union and the highest
of the larger nations.[Footnote
3]
The
official objective is to increase the employment rate to 80 per
cent and the welfare reform legislation now before the House of
Commons aims to contribute to this by getting more disabled adults
into work by altering the structure of incapacity benefits. CPAG
supports the objective of making sure that decent paid work is available
to those who want and can do it, but as over half (54 per cent)
of poor children live in a household with an adult in paid work,[Footnote
4] employment does not work as a route out of poverty
for all.
In recent months,
unemployment has also begun to creep up, though this trend is partly
attributable to more adults looking for work as employment is also
increasing. If unemployment levels continue to climb, it is likely
to be those who are most vulnerable in the labour market who will
be worst affected. Nevertheless, children with no parent in work
have a much greater risk of child poverty (a child living in a household
with no adult in work is 6.3 times more likely to be living in poverty
than one with all the adults in paid work), and so work clearly
plays a significant role in anti-poverty policy.
For
paid work to do more to reduce poverty, both decent job opportunities
need to be available and financial returns from work increased.
The spending review must address adult skills - to increase employability,
to improve progression within work and to tackle wage inequality
(both overall and between men and women). More needs to be done
to improve the quality of support into and in sustaining work, and
childcare, both to boost supply and to improve the operation of
the childcare tax credit (which is only received by 0.37 million
families,[Footnote 5]
is only paid for registered childcare and is of greater help to
smaller rather than larger families).
The need is,
therefore, to move beyond the 'work-first' emphasis and, to maximise
antipoverty policy, towards more of an investment model where those
seeking work are better helped to access training options and support
in overcoming barriers to work, and where the quality of jobs is
as much an issue as the employment rate.
Financial
support for children
In directing resources towards children, the Government has two
specific instruments - child benefit and child tax credit. Though
child benefit was increased in 1999, it has received much less attention
than child tax credit. Introduced in April 2003, this has brought
significant redistribution towards families, particularly the poorest
families. And whereas the amount of child benefit is increased in
line with prices (and so falling as a share of wages) the per-child
element of child tax credit is increased in line with earnings.
The twin strategy
of using both child benefit and child tax credit is key to tackling
child poverty. Although tax credits have helped to make work pay
and increased the incomes of most of those bringing up children,
in or out of work, they have also been dogged with administrative
difficulties. They have not escaped many of the traditional problems
of means testing - non-take up, complexity and the poverty trap
(where additional income from work is lost by reduced benefit/tax
credit entitlement). And the new annual design of tax credits has
resulted in overpayments (and underpayments) becoming more common,
with recovery of overpaid tax credits causing significant difficulties
for families, often wiping out much of any tax credit award. The
Government is mid-way through a series of reforms to the tax credit
system, which will help to reduce these problems, but CPAG is not
convinced that these will be fully overcome. We believe they highlight
the need for the second - more universal [Footnote
6] - child benefit.
Alongside urging
the Government to ensure that children's payments (the sum of child
benefit and child tax credit) rise at least in line with average
living standards, CPAG is also calling for the rate of child benefit
to be increased, and the second and subsequent child rate of child
benefit to be increased to that of the first child (currently it
is £5.75 less) in order to direct more help to larger families who
are more likely to be in poverty.
Support
for those who cannot work
Not all people can work. Even if the 80 per cent employment rate
aspiration is achieved, one in five adults will not be in paid work.
Policy cannot eradicate all child poverty if some children remain
in households where safety-net support leaves them poor.
Over two-thirds
of children whose parents are in receipt of either income support
or jobseeker's allowance were income poor (after housing costs)
in 2004/05. The reason for this is simple: income on the safety
net is less than the poverty line.
|
Income
support, child tax credit and child benefit April 2006 |
Poverty line (projected to April 2006) |
| Couple, no children |
£90.10 |
£203 |
| Single, no children |
£57.45 |
£112 |
| Couple, two children (aged 5 and 11) |
£197.60 |
£299 |
| Lone parent, two children (aged 5 and 11) |
£165 |
£207 |
| Source: CPAG estimates based on benefits and tax credit rates and
the Households Below Average Income series.] |
The biggest
gap between the poverty line and the safety net is for those without
children - the reason for this is the more generous increases to
child tax credit in recent years while income support has continued
to fall against wages. Since income support payments for adults
make up a large constituent element in family incomes on the safety
net, the low level of income support undermines the increases in
child tax credit. This problem is especially acute for those who
may become pregnant while on income support.
The current
welfare reform legislation laid before the House of Commons in July
aims to increase the employment rate of disabled adults by reforming
incapacity benefits. There are many issues concerning the policy
and the implementation of the proposals, but one key factor is the
extent to which income for those unable to work because of sickness
of disability will be protected and improved. The reforms propose
a new streamed approach - one focused on those returning to paid
work, the other for those for whom this is clearly impossible. The
Government has announced that this latter group will receive more
income - which has to be welcome - but has not yet put any figure
on this.
Effective
delivery
Most of this article has discussed policy, but without effective
delivery policy, however good, will fail. There are a number of
serious current delivery challenges policy faces - particularly
concerning tax credits, the Child Support Agency and in Jobcentre
Plus. At the same time, policy reforms are being proposed and budgets
cut. Good delivery is vital if the antipoverty objectives of the
Government are to be achieved. Decent systems and sufficient resourcing
of these are required, without which official error will rise, people
will not receive their entitlements and the Government's pro-work
agenda less effective than it should be.
Paul Dornan
is Head of Policy and Research at CPAG
References
1.
E Balls MP, written ministerial statement on the Children and Young
People review, July 2006 www.hm-treasury.gov.uk/media/3DE/13/cyp_statement050706.pdf
[back
to text]
2. Figures for the three months to May 2006.
See National Statistics, 12 July 2006, at www.statistics.gov.uk/cci/nugget.asp?id=12
[back
to text]
3. Department for Work and Pensions, Opportunity
for All: seventh annual report, The Stationery Office, 2005
[back to text]
4.
Department for Work and Pensions, Households Below Average Income:
an analysis of the income distribution 1994/95 - 2004/05, Corporate
Document Services, 2006
[back to text]
5.
HMRC, 'Child and Working Tax Credit Statistics', April 2006, at
www.hmrc.gov.uk/stats/personal-tax-credits/cwtc_annual_apr06.pdf
[back to text]
6. Some groups of children resident in the UK
- but without UK citizenship - are denied child benefit. [back
to text]
Poverty
125, Autumn 2006 |