Can the comprehensive spending review deliver for 2010?

The Treasury has currently embarked on a frenetic spending round that will determine the Government's priorities for the next four years. This spending review offers the Government an opportunity to fulfill its promise to halve child poverty by 2010. If it does not deliver, it seems inconceivable that the target will be met. Paul Dornan looks at its options.

Introduction
Context
Measuring child poverty
What should the spending review deliver?
The role of paid work
Financial support for children
Support for those who cannot work
Effective delivery
References

Introduction
The comprehensive spending review, likely to be published in the middle of next year, will announce priorities for the years 2008/09, 2009/10 and 2010/11. It will shape departmental budgets to the target year for the public service agreement (PSA) commitment to halve the level of child poverty from the position in 1998/99.

The signs are that this is a tight spending round, with both HM Customs and Revenue and the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) implementing significant staff cuts, and with the March Budget already having announced a 5 per cent reduction in both departments' budgets.

The seven years since Tony Blair's March 1999 commitment to eradicate child poverty have seen additional help to families and consequent reduced levels of child poverty. The figure below shows the progress made, as well as the challenge ahead. In 1998/99 child poverty ('after housing costs') stood at 4.1 million children in Great Britain (Northern Ireland is excluded from the government target, although it is covered by the policy). In 2004/05 this had been reduced to 3.4 million, or 27 per cent. Though welcome, it was insufficient to meet the first target to reduce child poverty (by a quarter by 2004/05). Although progress has been made, child poverty remains at a scandalously high level - higher in the UK now than in the past and higher than in most other European countries.

Diagram showing numbers of children experiencing income poverty and the 2010/11 target
Numbers of children experiencing income poverty and the 2010/11 target
Source: Department for Work and Pensions, Households Below Average Income: an analysis of the income distribution 1994/95 - 2004/05, Corporate Document Services, 2006

Context
In the past months, child poverty has been riding high in the political debate. Secretary of State for Work and Pensions John Hutton has made this the number one priority for his department, and has talked up the link between welfare reform and wider employment policies and the extent to which they should be better supporting this objective. A DWP strategy on child poverty is promised for the autumn and Hutton has announced that future policy will be 'poverty proofed'. We have also seen a commitment to the 'aspiration' of ending child poverty from the Conservative opposition, although we have had, as yet, scant detail as to how this aspiration would be made a reality under a David Cameron premiership. The Liberal Democrats, despite discussing the problems of social injustice and of poverty, have so far refused to sign up to the pledge to eradicate child poverty. The political mood-music of the two key political parties, both committed to eradicating child poverty, is vital. From the Government we need reinvigorated attention and resources, and from the opposition parties realistic policy proposals for what they would do differently and better.

Not only politicians have been vying for the air time on this issue. The Fabian Society published the final report of its Life Chances Commission in March and made a series of practical policy recommendations to make greater use of life chances as a conceptual tool to drive policy to reduce poverty. This was followed in June by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation's What Will it Take to End Child Poverty? Firing on all cylinders. This report, together with the myriad of working papers and associated publications produced around it, presents very significant analysis on the problem - to families and to society - and discusses and models ways of reaching the 2010 target to halve child poverty and the 2020 target to abolish it. There is, therefore, no shortage of evidence, analysis and proposals for what needs to be done. What is needed is greater commitment.

The spending review is key to the halving target. As part of the process, the Treasury is conducting a 'Children and Young People' review, focused on improving service support to families with disabled children, young people, and families and children 'at risk of becoming locked into a cycle of low achievement, high harm and high cost'.[Footnote 1] Although concentrating on the groups facing a high chance of being failed by education and other services, by focusing on services, it does not really engage with incomes. Other activity is, therefore, needed if the targets on reducing child poverty are to be met.

Measuring child poverty
A second child poverty target is expected either before, or as part of, the spending review. This measure will be defined in terms of both income level and material deprivation, and will affect the target itself and the policy required to meet it.

For the first PSA target to reduce child poverty by a quarter between 1998/99 and 2004/05, child poverty was defined as relative low income (living in a household with income below 60 per cent of the median), defined on both before and after housing costs. In 2004/05 child poverty stood at 3.4 million (after housing costs) and 2.4 million (before housing costs).

In December 2003, the DWP published Measuring Child Poverty, which proposed three new measures for the period after the first PSA had expired, each relying on before housing cost incomes data only (and using a different method to adjust incomes for different families' needs).

  • Relative low income (below 60 per cent of median). This is the basis of the current target to halve child poverty by 2010/11. In 2004/05 2.7 million children were income poor on this measure.
  • Relative low income and material deprivation combined (income below 70 per cent of median, before housing costs only). This is a new measure and will be used for a second PSA. We do not yet know how this measure will be constructed or, therefore, how many children will be 'counted' as poor.
  • Absolute low income (below 60 per cent of the 1998/99 median uprated for price inflation, before housing costs). This is proposed for a 'tracker' measure rather than providing a PSA. In 2004/05, 1.6 million children were poor on this measure.

The shift away from housing costs potentially 'loses' 700,000 children defined as poor on the after housing cost measure, but not on the before housing cost measure. These children are those whose families face high housing costs - whose housing costs make them poor - and are more likely to be concentrated in London and the south east of England. CPAG is calling for there to be numerical continuity between the after housing cost measure and the new set of measures. Without this, the Government will face charges of fiddling the figures and damaged credibility.

What should the spending review deliver?
In 2005, CPAG published two documents: our manifesto, Ten Steps to a Society Free of Child Poverty (202KB PDF document) and At Greatest Risk. Our manifesto sets out practical policy change needed to bring about reductions in child poverty, and, although there have been some improvements in policy and the political climate that surrounds it, the majority of the steps remain untaken. At Greatest Risk profiles the experience of groups of children who face a particularly high risk of poverty, with a poorer quality of life in childhood and poorer outcomes in adult life: children in large families, children with disabilities or a disabled parent, black and minority ethnic children, traveller and gypsy children, those who have been in care and those who have sought refuge in the UK. The challenge for the spending review is to mainstream concerns about these children.

CPAG’s ten steps to a society free of child poverty are:

  • All political parties to commit to eradicate child poverty.
  • Poverty proof policies – make each consistent with eradicating child poverty.
  • Uprate the combined value of child tax credit and child benefit at least in line with the fastest growing of prices or earnings. The element of this that is child benefit ought to be maximised.
  • Increase the adult payments within income support in line with those for children.
  • Reform the administration of tax credits and benefits – ensure they get the right amount to the right people at the right time.
  • Ensure all children have full access to the requirements – meals, uniforms and activities – of their education.
  • Provide benefit entitlements to all UK residents equally, irrespective of immigration status.
  • Work towards better jobs, not just more jobs.
  • Introduce free at the point of delivery, good quality universal childcare.
  • Reduce the disproportionate burden of taxation on poorer families.

To reduce child poverty, the Government has had recourse to two key mechanisms - increasing incomes through financial support and increasing gains from work, primarily by increasing the employment rate. Alongside this - to reduce future poverty - policy has sought to improve educational outcomes (through the education system, Sure Start and good quality childcare). More effort is clearly needed here, given the slow progress on narrowing the gap in educational attainment and this will be vital to reach the 2020 target and to sustain a much lower level of child poverty in the long term. But it is the more urgent former set of issues - on which education can build - to which this section devotes its attention.

The role of paid work
On the back of relatively benign economic circumstances, for which the Government itself takes some credit, unemployment has fallen and the employment rate risen. We now have nearly 75 per cent of working-age adults in employment,[Footnote 2] the fourth highest in the European Union and the highest of the larger nations.[Footnote 3]

The official objective is to increase the employment rate to 80 per cent and the welfare reform legislation now before the House of Commons aims to contribute to this by getting more disabled adults into work by altering the structure of incapacity benefits. CPAG supports the objective of making sure that decent paid work is available to those who want and can do it, but as over half (54 per cent) of poor children live in a household with an adult in paid work,[Footnote 4] employment does not work as a route out of poverty for all.

In recent months, unemployment has also begun to creep up, though this trend is partly attributable to more adults looking for work as employment is also increasing. If unemployment levels continue to climb, it is likely to be those who are most vulnerable in the labour market who will be worst affected. Nevertheless, children with no parent in work have a much greater risk of child poverty (a child living in a household with no adult in work is 6.3 times more likely to be living in poverty than one with all the adults in paid work), and so work clearly plays a significant role in anti-poverty policy.

For paid work to do more to reduce poverty, both decent job opportunities need to be available and financial returns from work increased. The spending review must address adult skills - to increase employability, to improve progression within work and to tackle wage inequality (both overall and between men and women). More needs to be done to improve the quality of support into and in sustaining work, and childcare, both to boost supply and to improve the operation of the childcare tax credit (which is only received by 0.37 million families,[Footnote 5] is only paid for registered childcare and is of greater help to smaller rather than larger families).

The need is, therefore, to move beyond the 'work-first' emphasis and, to maximise antipoverty policy, towards more of an investment model where those seeking work are better helped to access training options and support in overcoming barriers to work, and where the quality of jobs is as much an issue as the employment rate.

Financial support for children
In directing resources towards children, the Government has two specific instruments - child benefit and child tax credit. Though child benefit was increased in 1999, it has received much less attention than child tax credit. Introduced in April 2003, this has brought significant redistribution towards families, particularly the poorest families. And whereas the amount of child benefit is increased in line with prices (and so falling as a share of wages) the per-child element of child tax credit is increased in line with earnings.

The twin strategy of using both child benefit and child tax credit is key to tackling child poverty. Although tax credits have helped to make work pay and increased the incomes of most of those bringing up children, in or out of work, they have also been dogged with administrative difficulties. They have not escaped many of the traditional problems of means testing - non-take up, complexity and the poverty trap (where additional income from work is lost by reduced benefit/tax credit entitlement). And the new annual design of tax credits has resulted in overpayments (and underpayments) becoming more common, with recovery of overpaid tax credits causing significant difficulties for families, often wiping out much of any tax credit award. The Government is mid-way through a series of reforms to the tax credit system, which will help to reduce these problems, but CPAG is not convinced that these will be fully overcome. We believe they highlight the need for the second - more universal [Footnote 6] - child benefit.

Alongside urging the Government to ensure that children's payments (the sum of child benefit and child tax credit) rise at least in line with average living standards, CPAG is also calling for the rate of child benefit to be increased, and the second and subsequent child rate of child benefit to be increased to that of the first child (currently it is £5.75 less) in order to direct more help to larger families who are more likely to be in poverty.

Support for those who cannot work
Not all people can work. Even if the 80 per cent employment rate aspiration is achieved, one in five adults will not be in paid work. Policy cannot eradicate all child poverty if some children remain in households where safety-net support leaves them poor.

Over two-thirds of children whose parents are in receipt of either income support or jobseeker's allowance were income poor (after housing costs) in 2004/05. The reason for this is simple: income on the safety net is less than the poverty line.

Income support, child tax credit and child benefit April 2006
Poverty line (projected to April 2006)
Couple, no children
£90.10
£203
Single, no children
£57.45
£112
Couple, two children (aged 5 and 11)
£197.60
£299
Lone parent, two children (aged 5 and 11)
£165
£207
Source: CPAG estimates based on benefits and tax credit rates and the Households Below Average Income series.]

The biggest gap between the poverty line and the safety net is for those without children - the reason for this is the more generous increases to child tax credit in recent years while income support has continued to fall against wages. Since income support payments for adults make up a large constituent element in family incomes on the safety net, the low level of income support undermines the increases in child tax credit. This problem is especially acute for those who may become pregnant while on income support.

The current welfare reform legislation laid before the House of Commons in July aims to increase the employment rate of disabled adults by reforming incapacity benefits. There are many issues concerning the policy and the implementation of the proposals, but one key factor is the extent to which income for those unable to work because of sickness of disability will be protected and improved. The reforms propose a new streamed approach - one focused on those returning to paid work, the other for those for whom this is clearly impossible. The Government has announced that this latter group will receive more income - which has to be welcome - but has not yet put any figure on this.

Effective delivery
Most of this article has discussed policy, but without effective delivery policy, however good, will fail. There are a number of serious current delivery challenges policy faces - particularly concerning tax credits, the Child Support Agency and in Jobcentre Plus. At the same time, policy reforms are being proposed and budgets cut. Good delivery is vital if the antipoverty objectives of the Government are to be achieved. Decent systems and sufficient resourcing of these are required, without which official error will rise, people will not receive their entitlements and the Government's pro-work agenda less effective than it should be.

Paul Dornan is Head of Policy and Research at CPAG

References
1. E Balls MP, written ministerial statement on the Children and Young People review, July 2006 www.hm-treasury.gov.uk/media/3DE/13/cyp_statement050706.pdf [back to text]
2. Figures for the three months to May 2006. See National Statistics, 12 July 2006, at www.statistics.gov.uk/cci/nugget.asp?id=12
[back to text]
3. Department for Work and Pensions, Opportunity for All: seventh annual report, The Stationery Office, 2005 [back to text]

4. Department for Work and Pensions, Households Below Average Income: an analysis of the income distribution 1994/95 - 2004/05, Corporate Document Services, 2006 [back to text]
5. HMRC, 'Child and Working Tax Credit Statistics', April 2006, at www.hmrc.gov.uk/stats/personal-tax-credits/cwtc_annual_apr06.pdf [back to text]
6. Some groups of children resident in the UK - but without UK citizenship - are denied child benefit. [back to text]

Poverty 125, Autumn 2006


Top of PageSend Comments to CPAG

Entire contents copyright © 2000-2007 by Child Poverty Action Group.
All rights reserved. Credits